b'considers the UKs position in the WTO. Itthe UK would regain its ability to represent then examines the global economic positionitself at the WTO and other international of the UK beyond its membership of the EUbodies as a full member. and presents examples of previous exits from the EU by Greenland, Algeria and theA UK-EU trade agreement is not essential in Channel Islands.order for British companies to trade with people and businesses in the EU member Europe comparatively and the EUs share ofstates. Six of the top 10 largest non-EU global wealth (or world GDP) are in long-termexporters to the EU, and 11 of the top 20, do decline: the EU share of more than 30% innot have a trade agreement with the EU. 1980 has now reduced to some 21% 4 , and is projected to fall further to 15% in 2025.Over the past six years alone, the UK ran a 190 billion cumulative trade deficit with the The second half of Chapter Five examinesEU - but a 21 billion trade surplus with the the potential consequences of Brexit, in therest of the world. Claims that three million realms of security and trade. Based on thejobs are dependent on the UKs trade with evidence presented, Chapter Five ends withthe EU are false. The claims are based on the conclusion that Britain can best promotethe false premise that all UK exports to the and protect the interests of its exporters andEU will cease when we leave. This is not investors only as a fully independent membercredible. This is because, first, the World of the WTO.Trade Organisation rules protect us from discriminatory actions against our exports This is because since the UK joined the EU into the EU. Second, there is the practical and 1973, the EU Trade Commissioner hascommercial point that the other EU member negotiated trade agreements, based on thestates export more to the UK than we do to interests of all EU member states - not basedthem. Self-harm does not, up to now, feature on the interests of the UK. Following Brexit,in international trade.207'